Monday, October 14, 2013

words and phrases that need to be expunged from the English language...

... for meaning the opposite of themselves:
  • Sanction
  • Dig
  • Inflammable
... for being overused and/or silly
  • without further ado
  • much ink has been spilled

Tuesday, June 18, 2013

social sciencese

Social scientists have their own language, which occasionally can confuse English speakers who are unfamiliar with the secret meanings normal everyday words take on in Social Sciencese - and which at other times obstinately insists on using dense indecipherable phrases instead of common words that mean the exact darn same thing.

This is a holding page for examples of such offenses.

Words social scientists use in other ways from you and me:

  • To moderate
Phrases for which normal everyday English just won't do:
  • Intimate extradyadic behavior = having an affair

Saturday, June 8, 2013

recent research

From Kevin Lewis' April picks:

Sunday, June 2, 2013

recent research

A selection of Kevin Lewis' March picks:

Thursday, May 30, 2013

recent research

From Kevin Lewis' February picks:

Thursday, May 23, 2013

recent research

Kevin Lewis picks from January 2012:

Wednesday, May 22, 2013

recent research

The Kevin Lewis trawl continues:

Wednesday, May 15, 2013

recent research

Another batch of Kevin Lewis picks:

Tuesday, May 14, 2013

Recent research

Still catching up with a year of Kevin Lewis posts:

Monday, May 13, 2013

recent research

Catching up on a year of Kevin Lewis picks (first year of grad school was a bit of a distraction):

recent research

Posting a "this week's picks" from Kevin Lewis' blog - which is actually from a week in September 2012:

the paradoxes of empathy

Is expanding our capacity for empathy the key to human progress? Or does empathy get in the way of solving our most intractable problems?

Paul Bloom discusses (and concludes) in a good read in the New Yorker:

Such are the paradoxes of empathy. The power of this faculty has something to do with its ability to bring our moral concern into a laser pointer of focussed attention. If a planet of billions is to survive, however, we’ll need to take into consideration the welfare of people not yet harmed—and, even more, of people not yet born. They have no names, faces, or stories to grip our conscience or stir our fellow-feeling. Their prospects call, rather, for deliberation and calculation. Our hearts will always go out to the baby in the well; it’s a measure of our humanity. But empathy will have to yield to reason if humanity is to have a future.

Sunday, April 14, 2013

meta-idea on ideas

A founding principle of liberalism (classically speaking) is that freedom of speech is good because in ensures a "marketplace of ideas", where citizens can learn from each other and where, assuming our ability to suss out good ideas from bad, the best ideas will eventually rise to the top.

But can we really assume that we have an "ability to suss out good ideas from bad"? 

I know it goes against the grain of most academics and every humanist to say it - but maybe we just have to give up the idea that we humans are able to reasonably reason at all. The overwhelming evidence of Social Psychology is that rational thought plays a piddling role in the cultivation of our beliefs. More determinant are self-interest and social pressures. What we think are our "reasons" may be exclusively post-hoc rationalizations of beliefs we already hold (because we need, after all, to keep the illusion that our thoughts are both logical and our own). History also gives us plenty of examples of fairly open societies where the ideas that "rose to the top" were not so brilliant, if not disastrously genocidal.

Does that mean a "marketplace of ideas" is a false ideal? Perhaps not. But maybe it gets its power not by virtue of individuals battling out opposing ideas through their mental powers. Maybe the battleground is outside the realm of minds and words - but happens in the world of reality, that is, all the tangible stuff that comes with "good" ideas. 

As many have noted, this can happen on a global scale - as when "capitalism" beat out the idea of "communism" once it became clear that those in capitalist countries had a lot more goodies. It can also happen at the local or national level - as when it becomes clear (in large cities in particular) that holding on to that anti-Semitism or homophobia really isn't going to help your business out much.

Just like every other human, I too like to imagine that my beliefs are the result of reason and enlightenment - but who am I fooling? Transport my brain to 1917 St. Petersburg, 1933 Berlin or 2013 Orange County - who knows, I could have some pretty zany notions about right or wrong. Maybe I have my beliefs today merely because those are the beliefs that have tended to get groups and individuals some nice material benefits. I know they work for me.

lest we get nostalgic for more enlightened days of democracy

"Open-minded voters who make a sincere attempt to weigh the issues and the candidates dispassionately for the good of the country as a whole - exist mainly in the deferential campaign propaganda, in textbooks on civics, in the movies, and in the minds of some political idealists."

- Paul Lazarsfeld, 1944

Thursday, April 11, 2013

question for the day

If social scientists are able to make accurate predictions by crunching big data numbers, but there's no theory or understanding behind those predictions - are they doing social science?

Science, knowledge and understanding are fundamentally useful to the degree that they make predictions. Some say human intelligence, at its core, is nothing more than the ability to have a handle on the future (what valley you're most likely to find ripe fruit, what gal is most likely to make a good wife - and agree to ever marry you, what stocks to invest in, etc.). 

In the past, in order to be a good predictor you had to have good theories (or at least a few rules of thumb), because there was no way a human brain could calculate all the factors affecting future events. A good theory therefore, was touted as one that could explain a lot with as little input as possible.

But today, super computers are getting better and better at making predictions with no "understanding" whatsoever. Merely by scanning for past patterns and relations, Watsons can churn out questions to Jeopardy answers and Nate Silvers can predict presidential election results. (Nate's not actually a super computer, but his algorithms are pattern hunters that are more interested in predicting how people will vote rather than why they vote the way they do.)

Here's another prediction: as computers churn ever larger seas of data,  "theory" will one day become as quaint a notion as "philosophy" or "god."

Friday, February 8, 2013

a reminder not to trust our memory

A friend just "reminded" me of a brilliant study run by Slate a couple years back inspired by the work of Elizabeth Loftus - when their readers saw a picture of President Obama shaking Ahmadinejad's hand and 30% reported "remembering" that event. Except Obama never met Ahmadinejad. The photo had been doctored.

A good reminder of the very tenuous relationship we all have with reality.

Tuesday, January 15, 2013

breaking down the "public" and "opinion" in "Public Opinion"

Yesterday was the first meeting of my "Public Opinion" seminar, a highly anticipated event. I'm a first year graduate student in Political Science who is interested in, among other things, how public opinion is formed and to what degree (if any) it has an effect on how our guys and gals on Capitol Hill make their decisions. So you can imagine I was eager to dig in, first by figuring out what exactly "Public Opinion" is.

That, fortunately, was the first question on our seminar's agenda. Unfortunately, there was no clear definition to be had.

There's one aspect of Public Opinion where there is broad consensus: the "public" is generally understood to mean at least all citizens (I won't complicate things with whether to include residents, visitors, etc), who - in the math of calculating aggregate opinion - each get one vote. This might seem obvious, but it was not always so. Early theorists of Public Opinion - Herbert Blumer in particular - thought researchers should be concerned with "functional" or "effective" Public Opinion. While it might be all nice and democratic to think we each get an equal voice in setting Public Opinion, according to Blumer, we all know that some voices (those with megaphones or hefty wallets) have greater weight in influencing lawmakers. Blumer recommended tracing back from decisions in Congress to see whose opinions held greater sway - and then creating a weighted formula to get a more accurate measure of Public Opinion. A neat idea, it had its faults (chiefly the risk of tautology in defining public opinion as any opinion that results in congressional action) - and ultimately the more democratic notion of "public" won out.

The far hazier half of Public Opinion is the "opinion" part. We're all pretty comfortable using this term, but it of course can mean lots of things: your position on specific policies (eg. what kinds of semi-automatic guns should be legal for sale); your broad preferences (whether safety should trump the 2nd amendment when considering gun laws); or your deepest values (eg the US is founded on liberty). When we talk about Public Opinion it's not always clear what level we have in mind. Earliest notions of Public Opinion - going back to Rousseau who kind of invented the term - had the sense that Public Opinion was of a profound, unified nature - an organic force to be reckoned with. If you didn't pay heed to it you might end up at the guillotine.

Getting specific about what kind of "opinions" we're talking about is not of idle interest. In the background of discussing Public Opinion is - I believe - the accepted notion that Public Opinion matters somehow. Most of us democratic minded folk imagine that lawmakers should pay attention to Public Opinion - but perhaps only the opinions that matter - that is, those we deeply hold. Some call these deeper opinions values, social norms or public culture. Ironically, much of the opinions asked about in Public Opinion polls are of the policy detail sort - the kinds that we probably hold least dearly. There's another paradox when we discuss Public Opinion; the ones publicly debated are those where there is not broad consensus - or, at least where there is a vocal passionate minority. But some of our Public Opinions are not publicly debated - precisely because those opinions are so broadly held (like "democracy is good"). Should we count those widely held views part of "Public Opinion" - or should they be set aside as their own category? Hopefully by the end of the semester I'll have a clue...